Tension builds up between the two Cypriot communities in the summer of 1971, and incidents become more numerous.

Sometime in the late summer or early fall, Grivas (who had attacked Makarios as a traitor in an Athens newspaper) returns secretly to the island and begins to rebuild his guerrilla organization, which becomes known as the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (Ethniki Organosis Kyprion Agoniston B — EOKA B).

Three new newspapers advocating enosis are also established at the same time.

All of these activities are funded by the military junta that controls Greece.

The junta probably would have agreed to some form of partition similar to the Acheson Plan to settle the Cyprus question, but at this time the overthrow of Makarios is the primary objective, and the junta backs Grivas toward that end.

From hiding, Grivas directs terrorist attacks and propaganda assaults that shake the Makarios government, but the president remains a powerful, popular leader.

Working against Makarios is the fact that most officers of the Cypriot National Guard are Greek regulars who support the junta and its desire to remove him from office and achieve some degree of enosis.

Grivas is also a threat to the archbishop.

He remains powerful and to some extent is independent of the junta that had permitted his return to Cyprus.

Whereas the Greek colonels are at times prepared to make a deal with Turkey about Cyprus, Grivas is ferociously opposed to any arrangement that does not lead to complete enosis.

Relations between Nicosia and Athens are at such a low ebb that the colonels of the Greek junta, recognizing that they have Makarios in a perilous position, issue an ultimatum for him to reform his government and rid it of ministers who had been critical of the junta.

The colonels, however, have not reckoned with the phenomenal popularity of the archbishop, and once again mass demonstrations prove that Makarios has the people behind him.

In the end, however, Makarios bows to Greek pressure and reshuffles the cabinet.

A new crisis rekindles intercommunal tensions on Cyprus in January 1972, when an Athens newspaper reports that the Makarios government has received a shipment of Czechoslovakian arms.

The guns are intended for Makarios's own elite guard; the Greek government, hoping to overthrow Makarios through Grivas, EOKA B, and the National Guard, objects to the import of the arms.

The authorities in Ankara are more than willing to join Athens in such a protest, and both governments demand that the Czechoslovakian munitions be turned over to UNFICYP.

Makarios is eventually forced to comply.

Makarios had faced an attack from another quarter in the spring of 1972, when the three bishops of the Church of Cyprus demanded that he resign as president because his temporal duties violated canon
law.

Moving astutely, Markarios foils the three bishops and has them defrocked in the summer of 1973.

Before choosing their replacements, he increases the number of bishoprics to five, thereby
reducing the power of individual bishops.

The Greek government’s involvement in the pro-Greek coup d’etat in Cyprus brings the nation to the brink of war with Turkey and leads to the downfall of the military dictatorship.

Upon the restoration of democratic rule under conservative civilian Konstantinos Karamanlis, Andreas Papandreou returns from exile to Greece to form the Panhellenic Socialist Movement.

Giorgios Grivas and his one-track pursuit of enosis through terrorism has become an embarrassment to the Greek Cypriot government, as well as to the Greek government that had sponsored his return to
the island.

His fame and popularity in both countries, however, prevent his removal.

That problem is solved on January 27, 1974, when the general dies of a heart attack.

Makarios grants his followers an amnesty, hoping that EOKA B will disappear after the death of its leader.

Terrorism will continue, however, and the one hundred thousand mourners who attend Grivas's funeral indicate the enduring popularity of his political aims.

A coup d'etat in Athens in November 1973 had made Brigadier General Dimitrios Ioannidis leader of the junta.

Rigidly anticommunist, Ioannidis had served on Cyprus in the 1960s with the National Guard.

His experiences had convinced him that Makarios should be removed from office because of domestic leftist support and his visits to communist capitals.

Cypriot intelligence finds evidence during the spring of 1974, that EOKA B is planning a coup and
is being supplied, controlled, and funded by the military government in Athens.

EOKA B is banned, but its operations continue underground.

...Paphos.

A British helicopter takes him to the Sovereign Base Area at ...