The Central American Federation, unfortunately for those of Bolivar's idealistic inclinations, is not immune to the conflict between liberals and conservatives that afflicts nineteenth-century Latin America as a whole.

Generally speaking, the liberals are more open to foreign ideas (particularly from the United States, France, and Britain); they welcome foreign investment and participation in a laissez-faire process of economic development; and they seek to limit the influence of the Roman Catholic Church over the lives of the people.

The conservatives' inclinations are almost diametrically opposed to those of the liberals.

Conservatives are generally more xenophobic; they advocate more protectionist economic policies; and they champion the traditional role of the church as the predominant moral arbiter and preserver of the social and political status quo.

The colonies comprising the Captaincy General of Guatemala declare their independence from Spain on September 15, 1821.

It is not long before the new states, particularly El Salvador, have to contend with attempted annexation by another large power in the form of an independent Mexico under self-proclaimed Emperor Agustin de Iturbide.

A Mexican force dispatched by Iturbide succeeds in bringing to heel the uncooperative Salvadorans, but only briefly.

When the emperor himself falls from power in 1823, his dream of a Central American empire dies with him.

The five provinces of El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica go on to establish themselves as the United Provinces of Central America on July 1, 1823.

The United Provinces, unworkable though they prove to be, constitute the only successful political union of the Central American states in the postcolonial era.

Many optimistic residents of the region no doubt hold high hopes for this new nation at its inception.

Their sentiments are expressed elegantly, though ironically—given the subsequent course of events—by the liberator of South America, Simon Bolivar, who expounds in 1815 on the prospects for such a federation: "This magnificent location between the two great oceans could in time become the emporium of the world. Its canals will shorten the distances throughout the world, strengthen commercial ties with Europe, America, and Asia, and bring that happy region tribute from the four quarters of the globe. Perhaps some day the capital of the world may be located there, just as Constantine claimed Byzantium was the capital of the ancient world."

Establishment of an independent Nicaragua comes in stages.

The first stage occurs in 1821 when the Captaincy General of Guatemala formally declare its independence from Spain on September 15, which is still celebrated as independence day.

At first the captaincy general had been part of the Mexican Empire under General Agustin de Iturbide, but efforts by Mexico to control the region had been resisted all over Central America.

Separatist feelings throughout the isthmus had grown, and five of the United Provinces of Central America—Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua—had declared their independence from Mexico in July 1823.

The sixth province, Chiapas, had opted to remain with Mexico.

Under a weak federal government, each province had created its own independent internal administration.

Inadequate communication and internal conflicts, however, overshadow efforts to institutionalize the federation for the next decade and a half.

Efforts to centralize power lead to civil war between 1826 and 1829.

The federation finally dissolves in 1837, and a Constituent Assembly formally declares Nicaragua's independence from the United Provinces of Central America on April 30, 1838.

Honduras had been among the least-developed and least-populated provinces  at the time of Central American independence (1823).

In 1824 its population was estimated at just over one hundred and thirty-seven thousand.

Despite its meager population, Honduras produces two of the most prominent leaders of the federation, the liberal Francisco Morazán (nicknamed the "George Washington of Central America") and the conservative Jose Cecilio del Valle.

In 1823 del Valle had been narrowly defeated by liberal Manuel Jose Arce for election as the federation's first president.

Morazán overthrows Arce in 1829 and is elected president of the federation in 1830, defeating del Valle.

The beginning of Francisco Morazán's administration in 1830 sees some efforts to reform and promote education.

Success is limited, however, because of lack of funds and internal fighting.

In the elections of 1834, del Valle defeats Morazán, but del Valle dies before taking office, and the legislature offers Morazán the presidency.

With clerical support, a conservative uprising begins in Guatemala in 1837, and within a year the federation has begun to dissolve.

On May 30, 1838, the Central American Congress removes Morazán from office, declares that the individual states can establish their own governments, and on July 7 recognizes these as "sovereign, free, and independent political bodies."

For Honduras, the period of federation has been disastrous.

Local rivalries and ideological disputes have produced political chaos and disrupted the economy.

The British have taken advantage of the chaotic condition to reestablish their control over the Islas de la Bahía.

As a result, Honduras wastes little time in formally seceding from the federation once it is free to do so.

Independence is declared on November 15, 1838, and in January 1839, an independent constitution is formally adopted.

Morazán now rules only El Salvador, and in 1839 his forces there are attacked by a Honduran army commanded by General Francisco Ferrera.

Ferrera was defeated but returns to attack again in the summer, only to suffer another defeat.

The following year, Morazán himself will be overthrown, and two years later he will be shot in Costa Rica during a final, futile attempt to restore the United Provinces of Central America.

Central American liberals are optimistic for their Federation, which they believe will evolve into a modern, democratic nation, enriched by trade passing through it between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans.

These aspirations are reflected in the emblems of the federal republic: the flag shows a white band between two blue stripes, representing the land between two oceans.

The coat of arms shows five mountains (one for each state) between two oceans, surmounted by a Phrygian cap, the emblem of the French Revolution.

In practice, however, the federation faces insurmountable problems.

As a governor of Mexico, Vicente Filisola had occupied Guatemala City after the formation of Federal Republic of Central America and had been successful in annexing El Salvador in 1823, causing an uprising there.

In compliance with the Mexican constitution, Filisola had convened the Central American congress, which had forthwith declared its independence from Mexico.

Filisola had not been able to maintain a fighting force, and his troops gad been sent back to Mexico by the residents of Guatemala City, who paid for their transportation.

The liberal democratic project is strongly opposed by conservative factions allied with the Roman Catholic clergy and the wealthy landowners.

Transportation and communication routes between the states are extremely deficient.

The bulk of the population lacks any sense of commitment towards the broader federation, perhaps owing to their continued loyalty to the Roman Catholic Church in Spain.

The federal bureaucracy in Guatemala City has proven ineffectual, and Manuel José Arce’s four-year-old government is overthrown in 1829.

José Francisco Barrundia, former leader of the Revolutionary Party of Guatemala that had fought for independence, is appointed interim president, and

Francisco Morazán Quesada is elected President of Central America in a general election that brings the Liberal party to power in the republic.

Morazán enacts many reforms, including freedom of speech, of the press, and of religion; equality of people of all classes before the law; and trial by jury.

The Conservatives object to all this.

The separation of Church and State, including allowing secular marriage and divorce and an end to government enforced tithing, makes much of the clergy an enemy of Morazán and the Liberals.

The first decades of Honduran independence will be neither peaceful nor prosperous.

The country's political turmoil will attract the ambitions of individuals and nations within and outside of Central America.

Even geography contributes to its misfortunes.

Alone among the Central American republics, Honduras has a border with the three potential rivals for regional hegemony—Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua.

This situation is exacerbated by the political division throughout the isthmus between liberals and conservatives.

Any liberal or conservative regime sees a government of the opposite ideology on its borders as a potential threat.

In addition, exiled opposition figures tend to gather in states whose governments share their political affiliation and to use these states as launching pads for efforts to topple their own governments.

For the remainder of the century, Honduras's neighbors will constantly interfere in its internal politics.