High Modern
Years: 1684 - 1828
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Triangular trade thus provides a method for rectifying trade imbalances between the above regions.
The Transatlantic Slave Trade and the Triangular Trade System (16th–19th Century)
The transatlantic slave trade, one of the most infamous triangular trading systems, operated from the late 16th century to the early 19th century, transporting enslaved Africans, cash crops, and manufactured goods between West Africa, the Caribbean or American colonies, and European colonial powers. At times, New England (British North America) also played the role traditionally occupied by Europe in this system.
Structure of the Triangular Trade
The transatlantic slave trade followed a three-part cycle:
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European Goods to Africa
- European traders shipped manufactured goods (textiles, firearms, iron, metal tools, and alcohol) to West Africa.
- These goods were exchanged for enslaved Africans, often captured by African coastal kingdoms in warfare or raids.
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The Middle Passage: Enslaved Africans to the Americas
- Enslaved Africans were transported across the Atlantic to the Americas in the horrific Middle Passage, a journey that took five to twelve weeks.
- Conditions aboard the ships were inhumane, with disease, malnutrition, and abuse causing high mortality rates.
- Survivors were sold at auction in the Caribbean, Brazil, or North America to work on sugar, cotton, and tobacco plantations.
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Colonial Cash Crops to Europe (or New England)
- The sugar, tobacco, and cotton produced by enslaved labor were exported to Europe, fueling industrial production and consumer markets.
- In the colonial molasses trade, Caribbean sugar was sent to Europe or New England, where it was distilled into rum.
- Profits from sugar sales were used to buy more manufactured goods, restarting the cycle.
The Role of Sugar in the Triangular Trade
- Sugar was the primary cash crop driving the expansion of slavery in the Caribbean and Brazil.
- Molasses, a byproduct of sugar refining, was sent to New England, where it was fermented into rum.
- The profits from rum and sugar helped finance further slaving expeditions to West Africa.
The Transition to Sugar Beets (1747–19th Century)
- In 1747, the German chemist Andreas Sigismund Marggraf discovered how to extract crystallized sugar from sugar beets.
- However, commercial production of beet sugar did not become widespread until the early 19th century, particularly after:
- The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) disrupted the Caribbean sugar economy.
- The Napoleonic Wars cut off France’s access to Caribbean sugar, prompting investments in beet sugar production.
Conclusion: The Economic and Human Cost of the Triangular Trade
The transatlantic slave trade fueled the rise of European empires and the global economy, but at the cost of millions of African lives and generations of forced labor. The commercialization of sugar beets in the 19th century helped reduce European dependence on Caribbean sugar plantations, but the legacy of slavery and colonial exploitation remained deeply embedded in global trade and industry.
The West Indies (1684 – 1827 CE): Empire, Slavery, and the Atlantic Crossroads
Geographic and Environmental Context
The West Indies of the long eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries—stretching from Cuba and Jamaica in the west through Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, and the Lesser Antilles to Trinidad, and northward through the Bahamas, Bermuda, and Turks and Caicos—formed one of the most strategic and contested maritime regions in the world.
This region’s division into three natural and historical subrealms—the Northern, Eastern, and Western West Indies—was defined by wind, current, and empire as much as by geography.
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The Northern West Indies (Bahamas, Turks and Caicos, Bermuda, northern Hispaniola) was a world of shallow banks, salt pans, and smuggling harbors, a crossroads of piracy and empire.
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The Eastern West Indies (Trinidad, Barbados, Saint Lucia, Puerto Rico, Virgin Islands, eastern Hispaniola) became the plantation heart of the Caribbean, where sugar, slavery, and revolt shaped the modern Atlantic.
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The Western West Indies (Cuba, Jamaica, the Caymans, and the Inner Bahamas) was the imperial cockpit—a corridor of treasure fleets, naval wars, and plantation kingdoms whose influence reached far beyond the Caribbean basin.
Together these subregions bound Europe, Africa, and the Americas into a single, brutal, and creative system: the Atlantic World.
Climate and Environmental Shifts
The late Little Ice Age persisted into the 1700s, bringing alternating pulses of storm and drought.
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Hurricanes periodically erased entire settlements—from the Great Hurricane of 1780 that devastated Barbados and Saint Lucia to the cyclones that swept the Bahamas and Jamaica.
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Droughts afflicted Hispaniola and eastern Cuba, while floods reshaped Puerto Rico’s valleys and washed away fragile terraces.
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Volcanic and coral soils in the eastern arc buffered rainfall variability, but thin limestone and wind-exposed cays in the north demanded constant rebuilding.
Despite climatic instability, warm seas, and the steady northeast trades made the Caribbean a perennial hub of shipping and migration.
Subsistence, Settlement, and Economy
Across the archipelago, local adaptations reflected the twin forces of ecology and empire.
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In the Northern West Indies, shallow banks and reefs nurtured piracy and contraband. Nassau and Tortuga became pirate havens before being “reformed” into colonial ports. Bermuda evolved into a shipbuilding and trading powerhouse, while salt-raking and small-scale ranching sustained the Turks and Caicos and northern Hispaniola’s frontier.
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In the Eastern West Indies, plantation economies reached their zenith. Barbados, Saint-Domingue, Puerto Rico, Trinidad, and the Danish and British Virgins built vast estates of sugar and coffee, their profits extracted through the labor of enslaved Africans. The Treaty of Ryswick (1697) split Hispaniola into French and Spanish halves—Saint-Domingue, the world’s richest colony, and Santo Domingo, a ranching and provisioning frontier.
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In the Western West Indies, Spain’s Cuba and Britain’s Jamaica anchored rival empires. Havana became a fortified naval hub and the final stop for Spanish treasure fleets; Jamaica grew into the centerpiece of the British sugar system, defended by Maroon treaties and fed by Atlantic slavery. The Bahamas and Caymans remained smaller satellite economies, dependent on fishing, turtling, and trade.
Everywhere, African labor and knowledge made the system function: sugar cultivation, salt evaporation, animal husbandry, shipwrighting, and tropical medicine all drew on African expertise.
Technology and Material Culture
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Plantation industry reached new levels of mechanization: wind- and later steam-powered mills, boiling houses, and curing houses dotted the islands.
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Shipbuilding thrived in Bermuda and Jamaica, producing sleek sloops that outsailed European vessels.
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Fortification architecture defined Havana, San Juan, and Port Royal; the ruins of stone mills, cisterns, and aqueducts endure as the era’s material signature.
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Enslaved Africans and their descendants contributed ironworking, weaving, pottery, basketry, and culinary traditions that transformed Caribbean daily life.
Movement and Interaction Corridors
The West Indies was the beating heart of Atlantic circulation:
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Trade routes carried sugar, rum, and molasses to Europe and North America, returning with goods, guns, and enslaved captives from Africa.
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Naval convoys guarded silver fleets through the Windward and Mona Passages.
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Pirates and privateers exploited the same currents, operating from the Bahamas and Hispaniola.
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Slave ships traversed the Middle Passage to Saint-Domingue, Jamaica, Cuba, and Trinidad.
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Maroon and contraband networks stitched together mountain refuges and frontier coasts from Jamaica to Santo Domingo.
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Migrant flows after the American Revolution—Loyalists, free Blacks, and enslaved Africans—reshaped Bahamian and Cayman society.
These corridors made the region at once interconnected and violently unequal.
Cultural and Symbolic Expressions
The West Indies forged some of the most profound cultural syntheses in the Atlantic world.
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Religions: Catholicism and Protestantism provided colonial frameworks, but African cosmologies—Vodou, Santería, Obeah, Myal, and others—redefined the sacred landscape.
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Languages and Music: Creole languages, drumming, and call-and-response singing blended African, European, and Indigenous rhythms.
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Resistance and Community: Festivals, ring-shouts, and secret gatherings sustained solidarity among the enslaved; pirates, maroons, and sailors developed their own egalitarian codes.
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Architecture and Landscape: Plantation great houses stood above quarters, mills, and cane fields, while vernacular huts and maroon villages adapted to hills, mangroves, and storms.
Through suffering and creativity, Caribbean people produced enduring art, faith, and identity.
Environmental Adaptation and Resilience
Despite relentless exploitation, the region’s inhabitants learned resilience:
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Islanders rebuilt after each hurricane with stronger stone, better cisterns, and low, wind-resistant roofs.
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Provision grounds allowed enslaved and free people to maintain food security with cassava, yams, and plantains.
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African agronomy and water management sustained fertility in thin tropical soils.
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Cattle and small stock on drier islands (Turks, Caicos, Santo Domingo) supplemented the plantation diet and economy.
Human adaptation paralleled ecological resilience: mangroves, reefs, and coral cays regenerated repeatedly after devastation.
Transition and Legacy (by 1827 CE)
By the early nineteenth century, the West Indies was transforming under revolutionary and abolitionist pressure:
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The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) destroyed the world’s richest colony and created the first Black republic, inspiring fear and hope across the region.
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British Jamaica and Barbados tightened control but faced growing unrest; debates over emancipation gained force.
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Cuba and Puerto Rico, under Spain, expanded sugar and slavery even as neighboring colonies moved toward freedom.
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Trinidad absorbed French planters and enslaved labor under British rule after 1797.
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Bermuda and the Bahamas became minor metropoles of Atlantic shipping and, eventually, abolitionist transit.
By 1827, the West Indies had become both the engine and the conscience of the Atlantic world—its wealth built on enslavement, its resistance birthing freedom’s first revolutions.
In the framework of The Twelve Worlds, the region embodied the paradox of modernity itself:
a crossroads where empire, ecology, and human endurance converged to shape the moral and material map of the modern age.
Northern West Indies (1684–1827 CE): Piracy, Empire, and Maritime Crossroads
Geographic & Environmental Context
The subregion of Northern West Indies includes Bermuda, the Turks and Caicos, northern Hispaniola, and the Outer Bahamas (Grand Bahama, Abaco, Eleuthera, Cat Island, San Salvador, Long Island, Crooked Island, Mayaguana, Little Inagua, and eastern Great Inagua). The Inner Bahamas belong to the Western West Indies. Anchors included the Bahama Banks, the Caicos Passage, Bermuda’s cedar outcrop, and the Cibao Valley of northern Hispaniola. The region’s shallow cays, reefs, and natural harbors became pivotal in the age of piracy and naval rivalry.
Climate & Environmental Shifts
The Little Ice Age lingered into the 18th century. Hurricanes swept across the Bahamas and Caicos, often devastating fragile settlements. Bermuda endured repeated storms in 1712 and 1719. Hispaniola’s north coast experienced cycles of drought and flood, shaping ranching and farming.
Subsistence & Settlement
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Northern Hispaniola: Spanish authority waned along the north coast. French buccaneers and settlers encroached from Tortuga and Saint-Domingue. Ranching and contraband trade flourished.
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Bahamas: English settlement at Nassau (1670) became notorious for piracy. Captains like Blackbeard (Edward Teach) operated from Bahamian waters until Governor Woodes Rogers reestablished order in 1718. Loyalist refugees after the American Revolution resettled the islands.
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Turks and Caicos: Salt-raking emerged as the economic base, developed by Bermudian and Bahamian settlers using enslaved Africans.
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Bermuda: Matured as a maritime colony. Cedar-built sloops carried goods across the Atlantic. Tobacco declined, replaced by food crops, salt fish, and shipping. Enslaved Africans formed the majority of the labor force.
Technology & Material Culture
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Bermudian sloops exemplified fast, maneuverable shipbuilding.
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Salt pans and stone windmills dotted Turks and Caicos.
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Ranching in Hispaniola used Spanish herding technologies.
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African influences shaped basketry, drumming, and foodways across the islands.
Movement & Interaction Corridors
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Pirate routes crisscrossed the Bahamas, threatening Spanish fleets.
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British shipping tied Bermuda to North America, the Caribbean, and London.
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Salt from Turks and Caicos supplied Atlantic markets.
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Contraband from Hispaniola’s north coast linked ranchers with French Saint-Domingue and Dutch Curaçao.
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The transatlantic slave trade bound all islands into wider circuits.
Cultural & Symbolic Expressions
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Catholicism persisted in Hispaniola; African traditions fused with saints’ festivals.
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Anglican churches anchored Bermuda and Nassau, while enslaved Africans nurtured creole religious practices.
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Piracy generated its own symbolic culture: flags, legends, and songs of outlaw captains.
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Salt rakers in Turks and Caicos marked seasons with communal rituals of harvest.
Environmental Adaptation & Resilience
Settlers rebuilt after hurricanes with sturdier limestone houses and water catchments (notably in Bermuda). Bahamian settlers exploited shallow soils with provision grounds and shifting gardens. African agrarian knowledge preserved crops like okra, cassava, and yams. Hispaniola’s ranchers adapted to drought with mobile herds.
Transition
By 1827 CE, the Northern West Indies was bound tightly into Atlantic empires. Bermuda stood as a fortified British naval station. The Bahamas transitioned from piracy to plantation and Loyalist resettlement. Turks and Caicos anchored salt exports on enslaved labor. Northern Hispaniola lay contested, overshadowed by the rise of French Saint-Domingue and, later, revolutionary Haiti. The subregion was a maritime frontier of slavery, contraband, and empire.
Hence, the conversion to sugar transforms the landholding pattern of the islands.
The transatlantic slave trade between 1518 and 1870 supplies the greatest proportion of the Caribbean population.
As sugarcane cultivation increases and spreads from island to island—and to the neighboring mainland as well—more Africans are brought to replace those who have died under the rigorous demands of labor on the plantations, in the sugar factories, and in the mines.
Acquiring and transporting Africans to the New World has become a big and extremely lucrative business.
From a modest trickle in the early sixteenth century, the trade increases to an annual import rate of about two thousand in 1600, thirteen thousand in 1700, and fifty-five thousand in 1810.
About thirty-two thousand slaves per year are imported between 1811 and 1830.
As with all trade, the operation fluctuates widely, affected by regular market factors of supply and demand as well as by the irregular and often unexpected interruptions of international war.
In the British colonies these are called "principal whites" and "poor whites."
In reality they form three ranks.
The upper subdivision of the principal whites, forming an elite, are families who own slaves and successful plantations.
Some of their names become important in the history of one or more of the islands, names such as Guy, Modyford, Drax, Sutton, Price, Bannington, Needham, Tharp, and Beckford in Jamaica; Drax, Hallet, Littleton, Codrington, and Middleton in Barbados; and Warner, Winthrop, Pinney, and Jeaffreson in the Leeward Islands.
The lower subdivision of the principal whites consists of merchants, officials, and such professionals as doctors and clergymen, who are just a shade below the big planters.
They are predominantly female, largely urban, and clearly differentiated from the slaves both by- law and by custom.
Although adult females outnumber males, the free nonwhite population tends to be the most sexually balanced overall and is the only group that consistently reproduces itself in the British colonies during the era of the slave trade.
Moreover, with the exception of Trinidad, where, as Bridget Brereton indicates, just as many free nonwhites live in the rural parishes as in the towns of Port-of-Spain, San Fernando, and St. Joseph, the free nonwhites are strongly urban.
After 1809 about sixty-one percent of all the free nonwhites in Barbados live in the parish of St. Michael in the capital city, Bridgetown.
More free nonwhites live in Kingston, Jamaica, than in all the other parishes combined.
The free nonwhite population faces competition from both ends of the spectrum.
At the lower end of the economic scale they have to compete with jobbing slaves, who are often working arduously to get enough money to purchase their freedom and so join the free group.
At the upper end they compete with the artisan, commercial, and semiskilled service sector of the lower orders of whites.
The whites often use their political power—or in some cases their access to political power in Britain—to circumscribe the free non-whites as much as possible.
Throughout the Caribbean it is common to find laws distinguishing comportment, dress, and residence; denying nonwhites the right to practice certain professions; or limiting the material legacy of individual free nonwhites, but at the time of the abolition of slavery, nonwhites are aggressively challenging the political hegemony of the whites, and their successes are very important in the subsequent development of British Caribbean society.
This group includes small independent farmers, servants, day laborers, and all the service individuals from policemen to smiths, as well as the various hangers-on required by the curious "Deficiency Laws."
These are laws designed to retain a minimum number of whites on each plantation to safeguard against slave revolts.
A Jamaica law of 1703 stipulates that there must be one white person for each ten slaves up to the first twenty slaves and one for each twenty slaves thereafter as well as one white person for the first sixty head of cattle and one for each one hundred head after the first sixty head.
The law is modified in 1720, raising the ratios and lowering the fines for noncompliance, but the planters seem more prepared to pay the fines for noncompliance than to recruit and maintain white servants, so the law degenerates into another simple revenue measure for the state.
This is true throughout the British Caribbean islands during the eighteenth century.
Governor Francis Seaforth of Barbados colorfully expresses this dilemma in 1802: "There is, however, a third description of people from whom I am more suspicious of evil than from either the whites or the slaves: these are the Black and Coloured people who are not slaves, and yet whom I cannot bring myself to call free. I think unappropriated people would be a more proper denomination for them, for though not the property of other individuals they do not enjoy the shadow of any civil right."
This group originates in the miscegenation of European masters and their African slaves.
By the nineteenth century, the group can be divided into blacks who have gained their freedom or are the descendants of slaves, and the mixed, or mulatto, descendants of the associations between Europeans and non-Europeans.
By the time of Britain's abolition of slavery in the 1830s, the heterogeneous free nonwhite population will represent about ten percent of the population of Jamaica, twelve percent of the population of Barbados, and about twenty percent of the population of Trinidad.
A number of these free nonwhites have been free for generations, if not centuries, and have carved a niche in the local societies as successful merchants, planters, professionals, and slave owners.
"What is past is prologue"
― William Shakespeare, The Tempest (C. 1610-1611)
