The Sudanese electorate gives a plurality in both houses to the Umma and an overall majority to the Umma-PDP coalition.

The NUP, however, wins nearly one-quarter of the seats, largely from urban centers and from Gezira Scheme agricultural workers.

In the Sudanese south, the vote represents a rejection of the men who had cooperated with the government—voters defeat all three southerners in the preelection cabinet—and a victory for advocates of autonomy within a federal system.

Resentment against the government's taking over mission schools and against the measures used in suppressing the 1955 mutiny contributes to the election of several candidates who had been implicated in the rebellion.

Sudan's prime minister had formed a coalition government in February 1956, but he had alienated the Khatmiyyah by supporting increasingly secular government policies.

In June of that year, some Khatmiyyah members who had defected from the NUP had established the People's Democratic Party (PDP) under Mirghani's leadership.

The Umma and the PDP had combined in parliament to bring down the Azhari government.

With support from the two parties and backing from the Ansar and the Khatmiyyah, Abdallah Khalil had put together a coalition government.

Major issues confronting Khalil's coalition government include winning agreement on a permanent constitution, stabilizing the south, encouraging economic development, and improving relations with Egypt.

Strains within the Umma-PDP coalition have hampered the government's ability to make progress on these matters.

The Umma, for example, wants the proposed constitution to institute a presidential form of government on the assumption that Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi will be elected the first president.

The consensus is lacking about the country's economic future.

A poor cotton harvest has followed the 1957 bumper cotton crop, which Sudan had been unable to sell at a good price in a glutted market.

This downturn has depleted Sudan's reserves and caused unrest over government-imposed economic restrictions.

To overcome these problems and finance future development projects, the Umma calls for greater reliance on foreign aid.

The PDP, however, objects to this strategy because it promotes unacceptable foreign influence in Sudan.

The PDP's philosophy reflects the Arab nationalism espoused by Gamal Abdul Nasser, who had replaced Egyptian leader Naguib in 1954.

Despite these policy differences, the Umma-PDP coalition lasts for the remaining year of the parliament's tenure.

Moreover, after the parliament adjourns, the two parties promise to maintain a common front for the 1958 elections.

Factionalism and bribery in the Sudanese parliament, coupled with the government's inability to resolve Sudan's many social, political, and economic problems, increase popular disillusion with a democratic government.

Specific complaints include Khartoum's decision to sell cotton at a price above world market prices.

This policy results in low sales of cotton, the commodity from which Sudan derives most of its income.

Restrictions on imports imposed to take the pressure off depleted foreign exchange reserves cause consternation among town dwellers who have become accustomed to buying foreign goods.

Moreover, rural northerners also suffer from an embargo that Egypt places on imports of cattle, camels, and dates from Sudan.

Growing popular discontent causes many anti-government demonstrations in Khartoum.

Egypt also criticizes Khalil and suggests that it might support a coup against his government.

Meanwhile, reports circulate in Khartoum that the Umma and the NUP are near agreement on a new coalition that will exclude the PDP and Khalil.

After the new parliament convenes, Khalil again forms an Umma-PDP coalition government

Unfortunately, factionalism, corruption, and vote fraud dominates parliamentary deliberations at a time when the country needs decisive action with regard to the proposed constitution and the future of the south.

As a result, the Umma-PDP coalition fails to exercise effective leadership.

Another issue that divides the parliament concerned Sudanese-United States relations.

In March 1958, Khalil signs a technical assistance agreement with the United States.

When he presents the pact to parliament for ratification, he discovers that the NUP wants to use the issue to defeat the Umma-PDP coalition and that many PDP delegates oppose the agreement.

Nevertheless, the Umma, with the support of some PDP and southern delegates, manages to
obtain approval of the agreement.

A military coup occurs in Sudan on November 17, 1958, the day parliament is to convene.

Abdallah Khalil, himself a retired army general, had planned the preemptive coup in conjunction with leading Umma members and the army's two senior generals, Ibrahim Abboud and Ahmad Abd al Wahab, who become leaders of the military regime.

Abboud immediately pledges to resolve all disputes with Egypt, including the long-standing problem of the status of the Nile River.

Abboud abandons the previous government's unrealistic policies regarding the sale of cotton.

He also appoints a constitutional commission, headed by the chief justice, to draft a permanent constitution.

Abboud maintains, however, that political parties only serve as vehicles for personal ambitions and that they will not be reestablished when civilian rule is restored.

The Sudanese coup had removed political decision making from civilian control.

Abboud has created the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to rule Sudan.

This body contains officers affiliated with the Ansar and the Khatmiyyah.

Abboud belongs to the Khatmiyyah, whereas Abd al Wahab is a member of the Ansar.

The Ansar are the stronger of the two groups in the government until Abd al Wahab's removal in March 1959.

Sudan's new military regime has benefited during its first year in office from the successful marketing of the cotton crop.

Ibrahim Abboud has also profited from the settlement of the Nile waters dispute with Egypt and the improvement of relations between the two countries.

Under the military regime, the influence of the Ansar and the Khatmiyyah has lessened.

The strongest religious leader, Abd ar Rahman al Mahdi, had died in early 1959. 

His son and successor, the elder Sadiq al Mahdi, fails to enjoy the respect accorded his father.

When Sadiq dies two years later, Ansar religious and political leadership will divide between his brother, Imam Al Hadi al Mahdi, and his son, the younger Sadiq al Mahdi.