The rest of the National Constituent Assembly follows the king within two weeks to new quarters in Paris.

In short order, the entire body settles in only a few steps from the Tuileries at a former riding school, the Salle du Manège.

However, some fifty-six monarchien deputies have not come with them, believing the mob threat in the capital to be personally dangerous.

The October journées have thus effectively deprived the monarchist faction of significant representation in the Assembly as most of these deputies retreat from the political scene; many, like Mounier, flee the country altogether.

Conversely, Robespierre's impassioned defense of the march has raised his public profile considerably.

The episode has given him a lasting heroic status among the poissardes and burnished his reputation as a patron of the poor.

His later rise to become virtual dictator of the Revolution is greatly facilitated by his actions during the occupation of the Assembly.


Lafayette, though initially acclaimed, finds that he has tied himself too closely to the king.

As the Revolution progresses, he will be hounded into exile by the radical leadership.

Maillard has returned to Paris with his status as a local hero made permanent.

He will participate in several later journées, but in 1794 will become stricken with illness, dying at the age of thirty-one.

For the women of Paris, the march will become the source of apotheosis in revolutionary hagiography.

The "Mothers of the Nation" had been highly celebrated upon their return, and they will be praised and solicited by successive Parisian governments for years to come.

King Louis XVI is officially welcomed to Paris with a respectful ceremony held by mayor Jean Sylvain Bailly.

His return is touted as a momentous turning point in the Revolution, by some even as its end.

Optimistic observers such as Camille Desmoulins declare that France will now enter a new golden age, with its revived citizenry and popular constitutional monarchy.

Others are more wary, such as journalist Jean-Paul Marat, who writes:

    It is a source of great rejoicing for the good people of Paris to have their king in their midst once again. His presence will very quickly do much to change the outward appearance of things, and the poor will no longer die of starvation. But this happiness would soon vanish like a dream if we did not ensure that the sojourn of the Royal Family in our midst lasted until the Constitution was ratified in every aspect. L'Ami du Peuple shares the jubilation of its dear fellow citizens, but it will remain ever vigilant.
    — L'Ami du Peuple #7 (1789)

Francisco de Miranda had taken an active part in the French Revolution from 1791.

In Paris, he had befriended the Girondists Jacques Pierre Brissot and Jérôme Pétion de Villeneuve, and had briefly served as a general in the section of the French Revolutionary Army commanded by Dumouriez, fighting in the 1792 campaign in the Low Countries.

Miranda is first arrested in April 1793 on the orders of Antoine Quentin Fouquier-Tinville, Chief Prosecutor of the Revolution, and accused of conspiring against the republic with Dumouriez.

Though indicted before the Revolutionary Tribunal—and under attack in Jean-Paul Marat's L'Ami du peuple—he conducts his defense with such calm eloquence that he is declared innocent.

Even so, the campaign of Marat and the rest of the Jacobins against him does not weaken.

The fall of the Girondins on June 2, helped by the actions of François Hanriot, the new leader of the National Guard, had been one of Jean-Paul Marat's last achievements.

Forced to retire from the Convention as a result of his worsening skin disease, he has continued to work from home, where he soaks in a medicinal bath.

Now that the Montagnards no longer need his support in the struggle against the Girondins, Robespierre and other leading Montagnards have begun to separate themselves from him, while the Convention largely ignores his letters.

The assassination of Marat by Girondin sympathizer Charlotte Corday on July 13 results in a further increase in Jacobin political influence.

Charlotte Corday undergoes three separate cross-examinations by senior revolutionary judicial officials, including the President of the Revolutionary Tribunal and the chief prosecutor.

She stresses that she is a republican and had been so even before the Revolution, citing the values of ancient Rome as an ideal model.

The focus of the questioning is to establish whether she had been part of a wider Girondist conspiracy.

Corday remains constant in insisting that "I alone conceived the plan and executed it."

She refers to Marat as a "hoarder" and a "monster" who is respected only in Paris.

She credits her fatal knifing of Marat with one blow not to practicing in advance but to luck.

Following her sentencing Corday asks the court if her portrait can be painted, purportedly to record her true self.

She makes her request pleading, "Since I still have a few moments to live, might I hope, citizens, that you will allow me to have myself painted."

Given permission, she selects as the artist a National Guard officer, Jean-Jacques Hauer, who had already begun sketching her from the gallery of the courtroom.

Hauer's likeness is completed shortly before Corday is summoned to the tumbril, after she had viewed it and suggested a few changes.

On July 17, 1793, four days after Marat was killed, Corday is executed by the guillotine, wearing the red overblouse denoting a condemned traitor who has assassinated a representative of the people.

Standing alone in the tumbril amid a large and curious crowd she remains calm, although drenched by a sudden summer rainfall.

Her corpse is disposed of in the Madeleine Cemetery.

Jacobin leaders had her body autopsied immediately after her death to see if she was a virgin.

They believed there was a man sharing her bed and the assassination plans.

To their dismay, she was found to be virgo intacta (a virgin).

The assassination does not stop the Jacobins or the Terror: Marat becomes a martyr, a bust of him replaces a religious statue on the rue aux Ours and a number of place-names are changed to incorporate his.

Corday's act transforms the idea of what a woman is capable of, and to those who do not shun her for her act, she is a heroine.

André Chénier, for example, writes a piece in honor of Corday.

This highlights the "masculinity" possessed by Corday during the revolution.

Corday's act serves as a turning point of views held of women during the revolutionary period.

Women in France have been given a new-found power resulting from the necessity of their being increasingly involved in the revolution.